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THE ECONOMICS AND POLITICS OF OVERSEAS MIGRATION IN THE
PHILIPPINES
by DR. FERNANDO T. ALDABA
Paper presented at the forum titled
Overseas Filipinos and the 2004 Elections
19 March 2004 – Manila Pavilion
Organized by the OFW Journalism Consortium and the
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung
1.
Introduction
Earlier this week, in the front pages of the Daily
Inquirer, the doctor who topped the board exam admitted
planning to go to the United States to practice as a
nurse. He rationalized his decision saying, “It is now
time to serve myself!” We cannot fault this twenty eight
year old for thinking about survival in a highly
competitive world. We can easily surmise that despite
being overqualified as a nurse in the US, his salary
there will probably be eight to ten times more than what
he would get in his first job here in the Philippines.
From an economist’s perspective, this young fellow is
simply maximizing the possible returns from his
investments in what we term as “human capital” i.e. the
training and education he received. His decision is very
rational indeed from an individual point of view. But
from a society’s point of view - is this also rational?
Multiplying his case many times more not only for
doctors but also for teachers, software programmers and
engineers, we will really be quite alarmed. The exodus
of our skilled workers to seek greener pastures abroad
continues unabated. Figures in table 1 will show this.
Can this really be sustained? From an economic
viewpoint, we can easily justify overseas migration as
long as its social benefits outweigh its social costs.
Let us do a simple analysis of the social benefits and
costs of migration. |
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2. The Benefits of Migration
From a microeconomic perspective, exploiting a wage differential clearly
benefits the individual or a household member who decides to migrate.
Studies have been conducted on the positive impact of migration in terms
of increased incomes and assets on the households. We have plenty of
anecdotes depicting a whole barangay, formerly of relatively poor
households now living comfortably with concrete houses because of the
fruits of overseas work. At the macro level government has hailed overseas
workers as our current day heroes for they have brought in the needed
foreign exchange and the increased expenditures that enhance economic
growth of the country. Imagine how these opportunities in foreign labor
markets have eased the unemployment problem within our shores. Aside from
the incomes that Overseas Contract Workers (OCWs) bring in, they can also
“market” the Philippines as a tourist destination. Dick Gordon was right
when he said that if only each of the 7-8 million OCWs would invite one
foreigner to visit the country, this would be a great boost to Philippine
tourism. This network of Philippine migrant workers all over the world can
be harnessed towards building a better image of the country.
In terms of current statistics, the number of deployed OCWs has increased
by almost 25 times over the past twenty-eight years (see Table 1). By
2002, the number of OCWs deployed per year has already contributed almost
3% of the total employment in the country. The most recent official
estimates placed the stock of overseas Filipino workers at seven to eight
million. This is already about 25% of the total labor force and 10% of the
total population in the country today. But more importantly, the
remittances of OCWs have reached almost a fifth of our total exports and
have contributed almost 1/12 of our gross national product. Remittance per
worker deployed in 2002 has reached almost US$ 8,000.00 up from only
US$2,900.00 in 1975. Projected remittance this year is already at the US$
7.5 billion level. It is also very interesting to see that during the
crisis years, 1997-1999 remittances actually increased as families in the
Philippines had to rely on their relatives from abroad for support and as
a form of social protection. These remittances comprise the bulk of
private transfers to various households in the economy. However studies
have shown that these are typically used for consumption and asset
acquisition only, not for real and productive investments.
Table
1. Overseas Employment and Its Contribution to Output
|
Year |
OCWs Deployed |
OCWs Deployed as % of Total
Employment |
Remittances as% of Exports |
Remittances as % of GNP |
|
1975 |
36,035 |
.25 |
4.49 |
.02 |
|
1980 |
214,590 |
1.35 |
7.27 |
.07 |
|
1985 |
372,784 |
2.05 |
14.98 |
1.24 |
|
1990 |
446,095 |
2.01 |
14.43 |
2.67 |
|
1991 |
615,019 |
2.68 |
16.97 |
3.29 |
|
1992 |
666,457 |
2.81 |
18.01 |
3.26 |
|
1993 |
696,630 |
2.86 |
19.6 |
4.08 |
|
1994 |
719,602 |
2.87 |
21.81 |
4.43 |
|
1995 |
654,022 |
2.55 |
27.96 |
6.37 |
|
1996 |
660,122 |
2.43 |
20.66 |
4.92 |
|
1997 |
747,696 |
2.70 |
22.76 |
6.69 |
|
1998 |
831,643 |
2.98 |
16.70 |
7.16 |
|
1999 |
837,020 |
2.88 |
19.39 |
8.42 |
|
2000 |
841,628 |
2.72 |
19.27 |
8.63 |
|
2001 |
867,559 |
2.60 |
20.40 |
8.11 |
|
2002 |
889,881 |
2.65 |
19.56 |
8.76 |
Source:
Soriano and Imperial (2001), Author’s own computations
3. The Social Costs of Migration
Let me turn to the social costs of migration. As skilled workers seek
higher returns in foreign countries with supply constraints, the social
costs of continued migration affect the sustainable growth of the economy.
These include the inability of the economy to replace the productivity of
the experienced and skilled workers who have temporarily or permanently
migrated with that of new recruits. Certain occupations require a number
of years experience to reach peaks of productivity. If the country is not
able to produce replacement workers at the same rate as the exit of
current workers to foreign markets, shortages will definitely occur. These
shortages in supply especially of skilled labor will clearly affect the
growth potential of the country unless return migration occurs in the
medium run . In addition, overseas migration also increases the losses in
human capital investments as the overseas workers bring with them
investments in health, education and nutrition. This is exacerbated when
workers decide to permanently stay in the host countries. Social capital
also deteriorates as families become dysfunctional in the cases where the
father and/or the mother work abroad for many years leaving their young
children in the care of relatives. Eventually these human and social
capital costs translate into lower labor productivity for those who are
left to work inside the country.
The major effect on the labor market of continued outward migration can be
summarized in the term “brain drain”. This continued departure of skilled
workers in the economy reduces over-all productivity. It is similar to
reducing the number of machines or equipments used in the economy. Or
better still reverting back to old technologies in your production
processes. This “brain drain” also affects investments as capital will
only flow in economies with perceived adequate supply of skilled labor in
key sectors. The supply of human capital is definitely one major
determinant of foreign direct investments. Examining closely (see Table 2)
the profile of OCWs deployed in terms of educational attainment, around
40% have reached the college level. Note that in the domestic scene, only
around 20% of those employed have college degrees. This would mean that
many of these skilled workers who suffer very high unemployment rates
within the country opted to use their acquired skills in foreign shores.
Note that college graduates have the highest unemployment rates in the
country today. Alburo and Abella (2002) also have noted this highly
educated characteristic of the OCWs.
Table
2. Educational Level of OCWs , Migrants and Local Workforce (1995)
|
Level of Education Reached |
OCWs |
Percent to Total |
Emigrants |
Percent to total |
Employed in RP (000) |
Percent to total |
|
Grade School |
90,782 |
11.6 |
10,016 |
17.8 |
10,877 |
42.3 |
|
High School |
244,044 |
31.2 |
14,851 |
26.4 |
8,518 |
33.1 |
|
Post Secondary |
86,922 |
11.1 |
3,201 |
5.7 |
NA |
NA |
|
College |
342,929 |
43.8 |
22,288 |
39.6 |
5374 |
20.9 |
|
Post Graduate |
2,942 |
0.5 |
1,265 |
2.3 |
NA |
NA |
|
Others |
14,671 |
1.8 |
4,638 |
8.2 |
908 |
3.5 |
|
Total |
782,297 |
100.00 |
56,259 |
100.00 |
25,677 |
100.00 |
Source:
Yearbook of Labor Statistics, 1995; Aldaba (2000)
During
the past several years, there has also been an increasing feminization of
overseas employment wherein almost half of the OCWs are women. Service
workers, production and related workers and seafarers account for the bulk
of total OFWs over the past 30 years. Engineers and nurses dominate the
professional group (Sardana, 1998).
There is
also a recent study that contends that overseas migration creates a “moral
hazard” problem (Chami, Fullenkamp and Jahjah 2003). In economics, this
means that an economic agent becomes “careless or negligent” if there is
assurance of support or subsidy during periods of risk and uncertainty.
For example, car insurance will probably change the behavior of the driver
in the sense that he will become more aggressive in driving. In the case
of public firms, as long as their operations are subsidized by government,
they can get away with bad governance. Remittances of OCWs may create
wrong incentives arising from this “moral hazard problem”. Households
become too dependent on them as family members reduce work effort or cut
search time for productive jobs in the domestic labor market. At the
macro-level, government ignores economic imbalances (e.g. trade deficits)
and fails to pursue needed economic reforms as it anticipates getting a
big slice of dollar remittances every year from migrant workers. They
might even “pursue politically beneficial but economically unwise
policies” as long as remittances insulate the economy from the negative
impact of these policies. With the way politics is being practiced in the
Philippines, this is simply not far fetched.
The problem with doing
social cost-benefit analysis is that sometimes it is very difficult to
quantify social costs. In the case of migration this is probably true
as social and human capital are not easily quantified. However, one
notes, that social benefits are more immediate and are very concrete,
tangible and easily measured. More recently, prominent tycoons have
emphasized these positive contributions of overseas work to the over-all
development of the nation. This however could give us a false sense of
security that now and in the future, the social benefits of overseas
migration outweigh its social costs. The social costs may not be felt
immediately but may only be manifested in the medium and long run. In
addition, this may lead us to implement inadequate or incorrect policies
to respond to this growing phenomenon.
4.
Elections, Government Policies and Migration
Should
we then put a stop to this overseas migration given its harmful effects?
Everybody will jump on me and say, do we really have a choice! Of course,
people will continue to leave the country. This is the so-called “voting
by the feet”. People go abroad not only because of the pull factors (e.g.
greater opportunities abroad) but also because of the push factors – bad
governance, corruption, criminality and lack of economic opportunities at
home. More often than not if given a choice most of our temporary
migrants would want to settle permanently abroad......a complete brain
drain. A recent survey has actually confirmed this desire of Filipinos to
go and work abroad. But who can afford to leave the country and settle
abroad...the relatively more educated and skilled workers. There are also
costs constraints to migration. A worker cannot migrate if he or she does
not have the resources to do so. There are application, travel (passport,
visa and airfares), and settling costs. It will be good if the future
employers take care of these expenditures but in most cases a worker needs
to advance his own money. Only those who have access to credit or those
who have assets that can be liquidated can actually surpass this cost
constraint.
But what
does it mean when educated and skilled people get out of the country to
work in a far away land? Economically, we already spoke about the losses
in human and social capital of overseas migration. But there is also a
“political loss”. Studies have shown that relatively more educated people
vote more wisely. Voting in a sense is a function of the ability to
process information about candidates. With the quality of our education
continuing to deteriorate and with our educated people leaving the
country, it is no wonder that only “popular” candidates though not
qualified are elected in office. Thus, the quality of our electorate has
also been deteriorating over the years as our more educated workforce
leave the country. The absentee voting law was a step in the right
direction but still only very few are registered – a mere 360,000-plus
according to the latest figure compiled by Newsbreak Magazine from
the COMELEC. It is no wonder that traditional politicians now rely on
these popular candidates to continue holding on to power and robbing the
country of its future. Migrant workers need to be included in our
democratic processes - not only because they have contributed much to the
country’s economy but because presumably, they will also vote more wisely.
Government policy at present recognizes the role of overseas workers as
key actors in nation building. To quote Secretary Patricia Sto. Tomas,
“As a strategy for labor migration management, the government shall
explore and develop better and more markets for overseas employment. It
shall ensure that OFWs are at par with, if not superior, to their foreign
counterparts and through the DOLE necessary technical education and
training will be implemented.” I have no quarrel with making our workers
competitive in the global market but there is a trade-off in being too
much focused on external labor markets. If we put so much resources to
promoting overseas employment, necessarily, we are reducing resources for
other activities. This is good if we always have excess supply of human
capital in the country. But if the increased rate of exit depletes our
supply of critical human capital like doctors, nurses and teachers, even
the formation of future human capital is jeopardized. Sadly, the best
quality workers are the ones actually leaving. Government has to realize
that aside from further enhancing the quality of our labor supply to make
them more competitive, it now has to deal with possible supply shortages
in certain strategic occupations.
Resources from overseas migration must be utilized for the protection of
our workers abroad. But aside from this, they must be transformed to
strengthen the domestic economy. In particular, government has to find
ways of “converting” worker remittances and savings into more productive
investments so that more jobs can be created within the country. And it
also has to ensure the continuous production of human capital not only
geared towards the outside market but also geared towards a more dynamic
economy that will produce goods for the domestic and foreign markets. As
I mentioned in a previous paper, overseas migration is probably a
necessary strategy in the short and medium run but it should not be a
permanent one. When our domestic economy begins to grow at higher rates
with the help of “transformed worker remittances”, then it is hoped that
return migration, or what Alburo (1993) calls a “turning point”, will
occur as what has happened in South Korea, Thailand and Malaysia.
Government must continue with economic reforms to attract more domestic
and foreign investments, to make our non-human exports become more
competitive and to provide better infrastructure, improve research and
development efforts, etc. The management of labor migration, while a
necessary component, must only be subordinated to a strategy that will
create a more competitive Philippine economy in both the production of
goods and services. It will really be the maintenance and prospects of a
high growth and well- developed economy that will attract our skilled
workers back to our shores. As we always say, “there is no place like
home!”
Copyright © 2004. Economic Resource Center
For Overseas Filipinos. All rights reserved.
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